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The app was initially made available through Apple’s and Google’s app stores. At the centre of this effort was the team’s Smart Voting app - designed to undermine the monopoly of the ruling party by uniting the opposition. Operating largely from exile, Navalny’s team continued to rely on the internet to influence the Russian parliamentary election. Meanwhile, sophisticated techniques were developed to slow down internet access to targeted platforms. Among other provisions, a law introduced in July required foreign social media companies with more than 500,000 daily Russian visitors to have employees in Russia. In addition, the Russian state sharpened its tools for internet censorship. Later, his entire organisation was declared “extremist” - leading to the blocking of its websites, and the imprisonment or exile of several of its members. The ruling party first responded with a vicious crackdown on the political opposition. Vladimir Putin plans to win Russia's parliamentary election no matter how unpopular his party is The current regime had to show it was in control, and it needed to control the internet to do so. The pandemic exposed serious deficiencies in governance, and polls showed weakening support for the ruling party. It had been a difficult two years for the Russian regime. The parliamentary election held last month, however, has some disturbing implications for the democratic use of the internet in Russia.įor a regime that relies heavily on image, the results of this election were crucial in demonstrating to both Russians and international audiences that Vladimir Putin and his ruling party were still popular. Russia’s September parliamentary election As it turned out, the Russians not only lacked the technical capacity to block the app, it was also frequently used by Russian security services. In fact, efforts to regulate tech platforms has seemed ineffective.įor instance, in 2018, the government’s attempt to ban the messaging app Telegram collapsed into farce. Until recently, the Russian state struggled to regulate this activity, allowing Navalny to amass a large following. If he was poisoned, why now? And what does it mean?
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Navalny has relied heavily on this to build his political movement.Īlexei Navalny has long been a fierce critic of the Kremlin. The internet is increasingly important in Russian politics, as younger generations ignore state-sponsored media and engage through western tech platforms. Battleground Russiaįor many years, the internet had been a relatively democratic force in Russia, which has the most internet users in Europe. Human Rights Watch has warned Russia’s approach rests on the same principle of “increasing isolation from the World Wide Web”. The leading model comes from China, which has built an almost parallel internet infrastructure behind its “great firewall”. One key strategy is to construct a “sovereign” internet that isolates itself from the rest of the web. This scepticism has increased in recent years, with mounting evidence of a conflict between democratic values and the core business model of for-profit tech companies.Īdding to this, authoritarian governments have begun to develop ways to avoid the democratising effects of the internet. Such marketing claims draw on the language of cyber-utopianism, a concept that sees the internet as a force for democracy in the world.īut many experts have been sceptical US researcher Evgeny Morozov famously called cyber-utopianism a “ delusion”. It now proclaims its mission is to “organise the world’s information and make it universally accessible and useful”.Īpple’s official policy is that “where national law and international human rights standards differ, we follow the higher standard”.
#COMPLETE DYNAMICS BROWSING EDITION IN RUSSIA CODE#
Google used to have “don’t be evil” as its unofficial motto and within its code of conduct. Apple and Google have both placed democratic values at the centre of their sales pitch.